INTER-NATIONAL SOCIALIST AGITPROP FROM THE STALINIST TANKIE, COMRADE DANKEY KANG.

ATTENTION COMRADES!!! AN INTER-NATIONAL SOCIALIST CALL TO ARMS BY COMRADE DANKEY KANG!!!

Comrade Dankey Kang

Chinese Communist Death Van

Salutations Comrades! Dankey Kang here, a dyed-in the wool Tennessean Inter-National Socialist. I would like to share the wonders of Stalinism and Command State Socialism with you at the point of a bayonet and at the end of a gun. Like Joe Stalin's little brother, Mao, said: "Power comes from the power of a gun".

Let me share the victories of Chinese Socialism with you whether you want to hear about them or not! 'Cos that's the kind of guy I am! I can't hear enough of my own voice! That's why I am a bit of a dictator, just like Joe Stalin and Mao were. So without futher ado, may I present the glory of the wonderful Chinese Socialist Great Leap Forward:

In China, backyard furnaces (土法炼钢) were small blast furnaces used by the people of China during the Great Leap Forward (1958–62). These were constructed in the backyards of the communes, to further the Great Leap Forward's ideology of the rapid industrialization of China.

People used every type of fuel they could to power these furnaces, from coal to the wood of coffins. Where iron ore was unavailable, they melted any steel objects they could get their hands on, including utensils, household objects like chairs and doors, bicycles, and even their own farming equipment, the intended end product being steel girders. The result was, however, not steel, but high-carbon pig iron, which needs to be decarburized to make steel. Not until 1959 did the Party realize that only large industrial smelting plants were making steel of any value. Almost all of the iron from the communes was practically useless.

In regions where the steelmaking tradition had survived unbroken and the old skills of the ironmasters had not been forgotten, the pig iron was indeed further refined into steel, and steel production actually did increase. However, in regions that had no traditions of steelmaking, where the old ironmasters had been killed, or where there was no theoretical understanding of the blast-furnace process needed to refine the pig iron, the results were unsatisfactory. At worst, the fuel used was high-sulfur coal, which produced pig iron that needed to be re-smelted and desulfurized before it could be refined into steel.

Even worse, the tending of the furnaces denied peasants the time and opportunity to produce food, effectively starving many and directly contributing to the Great Chinese Famine.

In Mao Zedong's opinion, despite the problems, backyard furnaces showed mass enthusiasm, mass creativity, and mass participation in economic development, despite the fact that this participation was not optional. Rather than dampen this mass movement, Mao encouraged it. A central aspect of the ’Great Leap’ was the total mobilization of all able-bodied people in agricultural and industrial production. This included women, who were celebrated in their public role as ’iron women´ for their contributions to production.

A decade after the Communist party took power in 1949, promising to serve the people, the greatest manmade disaster in history stalks an already impoverished land. In an unremarkable city in central Henan province, more than a million people – one in eight – are wiped out by starvation and brutality over three short years. In one area, officials commandeer more grain than the farmers have actually grown. In barely nine months, more than 12,000 people – a third of the inhabitants – die in a single commune; a tenth of its households are wiped out. Thirteen children beg officials for food and are dragged deep into the mountains, where they die from exposure and starvation. A teenage orphan kills and eats her four-year-old brother. Forty-four of a village's 45 inhabitants die; the last remaining resident, a woman in her 60s, goes insane. Others are tortured, beaten or buried alive for declaring realistic harvests, refusing to hand over what little food they have, stealing scraps or simply angering officials.

When the head of a production brigade dares to state the obvious – that there is no food – a leader warns him: "That's right-deviationist thinking. You're viewing the problem in an overly simplistic matter."

Page after page – even in the drastically edited English translation, there are 500 of them – his book, Tombstone, piles improbability upon terrible improbability. But Yang did not imagine these scenes. Perhaps no one could. Instead, he devoted 15 years to painstakingly documenting the catastrophe that claimed at least 36 million lives across the country, including that of his father.

The Great Famine remains a taboo in China, where it is referred to euphemistically as the Three Years of Natural Disasters or the Three Years of Difficulties. Yang's monumental account, first published in Hong Kong, is banned in his homeland.

He had little idea of what he would find when he started work: "I didn't think it would be so serious and so brutal and so bloody. I didn't know that there were thousands of cases of cannibalism. I didn't know about farmers who were beaten to death.

"People died in the family and they didn't bury the person because they could still collect their food rations; they kept the bodies in bed and covered them up and the corpses were eaten by mice. People ate corpses and fought for the bodies. In Gansu they killed outsiders; people told me strangers passed through and they killed and ate them. And they ate their own children. Terrible. Too terrible."

For a moment he stops speaking.

"To start with, I felt terribly depressed when I was reading these documents," he adds. "But after a while I became numbed – because otherwise I couldn't carry on."

Whether it is due to this process, or more likely his years working within the system, Yang is absolutely self-possessed. His grandfatherly smile is intermittently clipped by caution as he answers a question. Though a sense of deep anger imbues his book, it is all the more powerful for its restraint.

"There's something about China that seems to require sharp-elbowed intellectuals," says Jo Lusby, head of China operations for Penguin, the publishers of Tombstone. "But the people with the loudest voices aren't necessarily the ones with the most interesting things to say. Yang Jisheng comes across as a sweet old man, but he has a core of steel. He has complete integrity."

He is, she points out, part of a generation of quietly committed scholars. Despite its apparently quaint title, Annals of the Yellow Emperor is a bold liberal journal that has repeatedly tackled sensitive issues. But writing Tombstone was also a personal mission. Yang was determined to "erect a tombstone for my father", the other victims and the system that killed them.

The book opens with Yang's return from school to find his father dying: "He tried to extend his hand to greet me but couldn't lift it … I was shocked with the realisation that 'skin and bones' referred to something so horrible and cruel," he writes.

His village had become a ghost town, with fields dug bare of shoots and trees stripped of bark. For all his remorse and grief, he regarded the death as an individual family's tragedy: "I was 18 at the time and I only knew what the Communist party told me. Everyone was fooled," he says. "I was very red. I was on a propaganda team and I believed my father's death was a personal misfortune. I never thought it was the government's problem."

In 1950, the newly established Chinese Communist regime decided that Tibet must become a permanent part of the People's Republic of China and launched an invasion. For China, possessing Tibet gave access to rich natural resources and allowed it to militarise the strategically important border with India. Since that time, over 1.2 million out of 6 Tibetans have been killed, over 6000 monastaries have been destroyed, and thousands of Tibetans have been imprisoned.

Comrade Dankey Kang

Sufficed to say Dankey Kang is a bit of an asshole who supports despotic regimes. He calls himself a Socialist but has a credit card, a driver's license and a mobile phone. He is very comfortable. Yet he puts forward a bullshit view of being a worker of the Proletariat. In fact he is a middle class piece of shit. He also hates the Differently-Abled. How can you claim to be a follower of Marx and hate the weakest members of society? Unless that is what Marx was all about? Is there no room for the Differently-Abled in the Workers' State? Supposedly so if we are to listen to Dankey Kang. Rather, Marx advocated "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs" which is a slogan popularised by Karl Marx in his 1875 Critique of the Gotha Program. The conclusion is that Dankey Kang is a bad Socialist. He is a back-slider to Capital - if he ever left. He puts on his disguise of Socialism to pick up young Socialist women of ages 16-17 which seems to be his aim. He is a pedophile just like the Politburo's Beria who liked to beat and rape children.